Before You Enlist Video - http://beforeyouenlist.org
Researching Pop Culture and Militarism - https://nnomy.org/popcultureandmilitarism/
If you have been Harassed by a Military Recruiter -https://centeronconscience.org/abused-by-recruiters/
Back-to-School Kit for Counter-recruitment and School Demilitarization Organizing is focused on student privacy
WHAT IS IN THIS KIT? - https://nnomy.org/backtoschoolkit/
Click through to find out
Religion and militarism - https://nnomy.org/religionandmilitarism/
‘A Poison in the System’: Military Sexual Assault - New York Times
Change your Mind?
Talk to a Counselor at the GI Rights Hotline
Ask that your child's information is denied to Military Recruiters
And monitor that this request is honored.
Military Recruiters and Programs Target marginalized communities for recruits...
..and the high schools in those same communities

 

 Militarization of our Schools

The Pentagon is taking over our poorer public schools. This is the reality for disadvantaged youth.

 

What we can do

Corporate/conservative alliances threaten Democracy . Progressives have an important role to play.

 Why does NNOMY matter?

Most are blind or indifferent to the problem.
A few strive to protect our democracy.

Articles

Featured

Viewing the World Today Through the Lens of Respectful Parenting

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Viewing the World Today Through the Lens of Respectful ParentingApril 08, 2026 / Fabiola Cardozo / The National Network Opposing the Militarization of Youth (NNOMY) - I am a mother who wakes up every morning with the firm conviction to keep going, to do what's best for my daughter, to contribute through my daily work to building a less violent world. Unfortunately, when I check the news, I am disappointed once again. The world is cruel, and the U.S. government continues with its war plans. The military budget leads to social disinvestment, leaving young people vulnerable to military recruitment from many quarters. War and violence are sold as the spectacle of the year through movies, online games, and every other way imaginable. I swim against the current, I stay alert all day long; violence is becoming normalized. Those of us who are in favor of peace smell the terrible scent they use to lull us into a false sense of security. They want us to be on their side, to not perceive their subtle strategies to convince us that they are saving the world. It's a lie. They are putting everyone at risk, especially young people—yours, mine, ours. There are no victors, no winners…

Featured

Warfare in a Box

Executive Outcomes and the making of the modern mercenary

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April 2026 / Benjamin Fogel / The Baffler - Mercenaries have become an inescapable part of today’s landsce of conflict and disorder. Guns for hire now cover the globe. Rechristened outside of Ukraine as the Africa Corps after the demise of its director, Yevgeny Prigozhin, Russia’s Wagner Group has popped up everywhere in Africa, from Burkina Faso to the Central African Republic. Elsewhere on the continent, the United Arab Emirates has sent the Rapid Support Forces (RSF) to secure access to gold mines in Sudan. In the Western Hemisphere, Colombian mercenaries return from a stint in Ukraine’s international brigades to Mexico to spread the gospel of drone warfare to cartel sicarios, and the Trump administration schemes to secure Venezuela’s oil assets not with U.S. troops but with private military contractors, or PMCs, as they’re usually known.

Placing profit over ideology, modern mercenaries are as at home in the boardroom as on the frontline. Their companies are registered in the appropriate tax haven, like the City of London, and operate through shell firms. They are contracted by international humanitarian organizations that regularly employ PMCs for protection from East Timor to Haiti as part of their missions; by global shipping firms to ward off pirates along the coast of Somalia; or by governments of troubled states, such as Mali, to train their militaries. Contracting PMCs is not limited, however, to so-called failed states and countries short of military-age men (and citizens) like Qatar and the UAE. Offering more than just frontline troops for hire—services provided now include everything from organizing logistics to running troll farms—these companies form an essential component of the most powerful militaries in the world. Wagner has in effect been nationalized by the Kremlin, and the United States has channeled billions of dollars to PMCs over the course of the twenty-first century, beginning with the invasions of Iraq and Afghanistan.

Featured

DOD: We’ll Take Anyone for This War. Well, as Long as You’re Not …

Based on his new recruitment policies, Pete Hegseth cares more about winning culture wars than the real war he just helped start.

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 / Brynn Tannehill  / The New Republic - When countries get embroiled in a war, they usually cast a wide net for people to join the military and work to keep the ones who are already in. The United States appears to be sending troops from several Marine Expeditionary Units, the 82nd Airborne, 101st Airborne, 75th Rangers, 10th Mountain Division, and assorted special operations into the fight in Iran. At the same time, the administration is lowering standards to let more people into the military—except for those they feel are unfit to die honorably for the white, conservative Christian nation they envision. Additionally, in one prominent gaffe, the White House hinted that it might consider reinstituting the draft. This is almost unprecedented historically, with one grim but unsurprising exception.

Whenever a country that relies on volunteers to fill the ranks of its armed forces gets involved in a bloody and unpopular war, recruiting success rates decrease, as does the quality of those recruits. No one wants to die for a war they don’t believe in or understand, and only people desperate for money tend to join or stay in. Such people usually aren’t the most qualified, and the quality of the people who join or stay in drops as a result.
 
The usual short-term solutions to recruitment and retention problems are to offer pay increases, bonuses, and incentives, and to lower the standards for recruitment. The people brought in under these circumstances are frequently treated as cannon fodder. During Vietnam, “Project 100,000” brought in 300,000-plus troops who would have been previously considered unqualified due to their low IQ scores. Some commentators mocked them as McNamara’s Misfits, after the sitting defense secretary. These troops died in extraordinarily high numbers.
Featured

Where Are All the Campus Protests?

Two years ago students occupied buildings and colonized the quad. Now the same places are strangely silent.

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March 25, 2026 / Rose Horowitch / The Atlantic - The events of the past three months seem almost perfectly engineered to spark campus unrest. In January, mass-deportation operations led to the brazen killing of U.S. citizens at the hands of masked immigration agents. In February, the Environmental Protection Agency declared that it would no longer regulate greenhouse-gas emissions. A few weeks later, the Trump administration joined forces with Israel to launch an attack on Iran without congressional approval. One might expect left-leaning college students to have practically started a revolution.

But campuses across the country—places where, just two years ago, students occupied buildings and colonized the quad to protest Israel’s war against Hamas—are strangely silent. These days, those same students mostly head to class. The extent of the change is jarring. David Sengthay, a Stanford senior and the head of the undergraduate-student senate, told me that protests typified the university’s history, up to and including his first two years in Palo Alto. But by the time he returned as a junior, in fall 2024, something was different. “My class is the last class to really witness what happened at Stanford during its peak organizing,” he said. “People come to Stanford, these young students, and they don’t have access to what was promised to them. I know we’re not UC Berkeley, but, I mean, we still protested the Vietnam War.”

Featured

Military Recruitment on Prison Planet

The Carceral State as a Front Line for Enlistment Pressure

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February 21, 2026 / NNOMY staff / National Network Opposing the Militarization of Youth -  Across the United States, the military’s recruitment crisis is unfolding inside a much older story: the expansion of the carceral state. As the armed forces struggle to meet their personnel needs, they increasingly turn toward populations already entangled in policing, surveillance, and incarceration. For many young people—especially Black, Latino, Indigenous, migrant, and poor youth—the supposed “choice” to enlist is offered in a landscape where schools are militarized, neighborhoods are over‑policed, and the threat of criminalization is constant. In that context, recruitment is not simply an opportunity; it is a pressure point.

This is the reality of what we might call Prison Planet: a social order in which institutions of punishment, control, and war are tightly interwoven. The prison, the police station, the probation office, the alternative school, the recruiter’s office, and the digital ad in a teenager’s feed are not separate worlds. They are nodes in a single system that manages surplus populations and channels some of them into military service. For organizers, educators, and youth workers, understanding this carceral‑military nexus is essential to any serious counter‑recruitment strategy.

Featured

Have U.S. intelligence agencies played a role in investigating civilian counter military recruitment efforts?

No Conclusive Proof of Direct Intelligence Surveillance of Counter‑Recruitment Groups, though Related Movements Have Been Monitored Historically

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February 21, 2026 / NNOMY staff / National Network Opposing the Militarization of Youth -  The question of whether U.S. intelligence agencies have investigated or monitored civilian counter‑military‑recruitment activism requires an examination that moves beyond simple yes‑or‑no answers and into the deeper historical and institutional structures that shape domestic intelligence practices. Counter‑recruitment activism occupies a distinctive position in American civic life. It challenges the policies, narratives, and institutional mechanisms that sustain military enlistment, and it often does so in spaces—public schools, community centers, and digital platforms—that intersect with federal interests in military readiness and national security. This proximity raises legitimate questions about whether such activism has ever drawn the attention of intelligence agencies.

Based on currently available evidence, there is no public documentation demonstrating that U.S. intelligence agencies have directly targeted counter‑recruitment organizations for investigation. No declassified files, FOIA releases, or official reports identify counter‑recruitment groups as subjects of intelligence scrutiny. However, the absence of direct evidence does not exist in a vacuum. It must be understood within the broader historical context of U.S. domestic surveillance, which has repeatedly encompassed peace movements, anti‑war organizations, and other forms of dissent that challenge military or national‑security policy.

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