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DOD: We’ll Take Anyone for This War. Well, as Long as You’re Not …

Based on his new recruitment policies, Pete Hegseth cares more about winning culture wars than the real war he just helped start.

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 / Brynn Tannehill  / The New Republic - When countries get embroiled in a war, they usually cast a wide net for people to join the military and work to keep the ones who are already in. The United States appears to be sending troops from several Marine Expeditionary Units, the 82nd Airborne, 101st Airborne, 75th Rangers, 10th Mountain Division, and assorted special operations into the fight in Iran. At the same time, the administration is lowering standards to let more people into the military—except for those they feel are unfit to die honorably for the white, conservative Christian nation they envision. Additionally, in one prominent gaffe, the White House hinted that it might consider reinstituting the draft. This is almost unprecedented historically, with one grim but unsurprising exception.

Whenever a country that relies on volunteers to fill the ranks of its armed forces gets involved in a bloody and unpopular war, recruiting success rates decrease, as does the quality of those recruits. No one wants to die for a war they don’t believe in or understand, and only people desperate for money tend to join or stay in. Such people usually aren’t the most qualified, and the quality of the people who join or stay in drops as a result.
 
The usual short-term solutions to recruitment and retention problems are to offer pay increases, bonuses, and incentives, and to lower the standards for recruitment. The people brought in under these circumstances are frequently treated as cannon fodder. During Vietnam, “Project 100,000” brought in 300,000-plus troops who would have been previously considered unqualified due to their low IQ scores. Some commentators mocked them as McNamara’s Misfits, after the sitting defense secretary. These troops died in extraordinarily high numbers.
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Soft Power Play: A Mother's Reflection on Raising Kids Without “War Practice” at Home

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January 22, 2026 / Emily Graham  -  Moms shape children’s earliest ideas about conflict long before a kid can explain what “war” even is. The toys we buy, the jokes we laugh at, and the stories we put on in the background quietly teach what problems “look like” and how people “solve” them. When play is saturated with enemies, domination, and “win by force,” kids can start treating antagonism as the default script—regardless of gender. The good news: you don’t need a perfect home or a screen-free childhood to steer play toward creativity, mutual care, cooperation, and emotional awareness. Small, repeatable choices—made consistently—add up.

A quick snapshot you can use today is that the aim is to reduce play patterns that normalize violence or enemies as entertainment. The idea is to replace them with play that builds imagination, teamwork, repair, and empathy. When you do that, kids still get excitement and challenge, but their “problem-solving reflex” becomes collaboration instead of conquest.

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Where Are All the Campus Protests?

Two years ago students occupied buildings and colonized the quad. Now the same places are strangely silent.

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March 25, 2026 / Rose Horowitch / The Atlantic - The events of the past three months seem almost perfectly engineered to spark campus unrest. In January, mass-deportation operations led to the brazen killing of U.S. citizens at the hands of masked immigration agents. In February, the Environmental Protection Agency declared that it would no longer regulate greenhouse-gas emissions. A few weeks later, the Trump administration joined forces with Israel to launch an attack on Iran without congressional approval. One might expect left-leaning college students to have practically started a revolution.

But campuses across the country—places where, just two years ago, students occupied buildings and colonized the quad to protest Israel’s war against Hamas—are strangely silent. These days, those same students mostly head to class. The extent of the change is jarring. David Sengthay, a Stanford senior and the head of the undergraduate-student senate, told me that protests typified the university’s history, up to and including his first two years in Palo Alto. But by the time he returned as a junior, in fall 2024, something was different. “My class is the last class to really witness what happened at Stanford during its peak organizing,” he said. “People come to Stanford, these young students, and they don’t have access to what was promised to them. I know we’re not UC Berkeley, but, I mean, we still protested the Vietnam War.”

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